Louis J Sheehan
Loiuis J Sheehan Esquire
Louis J. Sheehan 14
Louis Sheehan 50005
50004 Louis Sheehan
no more
50003 Louis Sheehan
50002 Louis Sheehan
50001 Louis Sheehan
50000 Louis Sheehan
Louis J Sheehan 80
Louis J. Sheehan 85
Louis J. Sheehan 88
Louis J. Sheehan 90
Louis J. Sheehan
January, 2009
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concluded 3.3 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
Thursday, August 06, 2009 - 6:05 AM

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endeavor to arrange a suitable time 4.tim.0003 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

By Louis J Sheehan Esquire

No. 50
August 20, 1941
#722.
FROM: Washington (Nomura) 
TO: Tokyo 

(Part 1 of 2)

During my conversation with a member of the Cabinet, he remarked, "The President has a broadminded view of the world and is not anti-Japanese. In his past speeches and in his recent statement he had never referred to Japan. As soon as he returned to Washington he had the Secretary of State take up the question of the proposed Japanese-American conference and replied to you. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire  This is an unprecedented thing and it seems that Japan should reciprocate in a like manner." So I replied by saying that it was with a strong resolution that the Japanese Government had come thus far in dealing with this question; whereupon the Cabinet member replied, "It is equally true in the case of the President. Above all, even if there is no real justification for it, the country is replete with anti-Japanese sentiment."

Trans. 8-21-41


No. 51
August 20, 1941
#722.
FROM: Washington (Nomura) 
TO: Tokyo 

(Part 2 of 2)

"And when the atmosphere in Congress is just as bad, if this fact leaks out there is no doubt that a strong opposition will be made, but if the conference succeeds and as a result peace is maintained in the Pacific, the people will for the first time----------. Since I myself had endeavored in the same direction, the success would make me feel that life is worth living. Inasmuch as there is no way of telling whether the President will continue to take such an open-hearted attitude in the future, I earnestly wish that a way could be found to successfully settle this question."  Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

Trans. 8-21-41


No. 52
August 17, 1941
#708.
FROM: Washington (Nomura) 
TO: Tokyo (Gaimudaijin) 

English text.

(Part 1 of 8) (Strictly Confidential)

Reference is made to the question which the Japanese Ambassador raised on 8 August during a conversation with the Secretary of State, whether it might not be possible for the responsible heads of the Japanese Government and the Government of the United States to meet with a view to discussing means whereby an adjustment in relations between the United States and Japan might be brought about. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.NET The thought of Prince Konoye and of the Japanese Government in offering this suggestion is appreciated.

[A-31]

Reference is also made to the desire expressed by the Japanese Ambassador during a call on the Secretary of State on 16 August, that there be resumed the informal conversations which had been in progress between the two governments toward ascertaining whether there existed a basis for negotiations relative to a peaceful settlement covering the entire Pacific situation.

(Part 2 of 8[a])

(Part 3 of 8)

On two occasions officers of the Department of State, pursuant to instructions from the Secretary of State, called on the Japanese Ambassador to indicate concern over the reports that Japan intended to acquire by force or threat of force military and naval bases in French Indo-China. Subsequently, on July 20 and July 23 the Acting Secretary of State raised with the Japanese Minister and with the Japanese Ambassador the question of Japan's intentions with regard to French Indo-China and pointed out that the government of the United States could only assume that the occupation by Japan of French Indo-China or the acquisition of military and naval bases in that area constituted notice to the United States that Japan had taken by forceful means a step preparatory to embarking on further movements of conquest in the South Pacific area. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire  The Acting Secretary pointed out further that this new move on Japan's part was prejudicial to the procurement by the United States of essential raw materials and to the peace of the Pacific, including the Philippine Islands.

(Part 4 of 8)

The government of the United States accordingly had no alternative but to inform the Japanese Ambassador that, in the opinion of this government, the measures then being taken by the Japanese Government had served to remove the basis for further conversations relative to a peaceful settlement in the Pacific area.

Informal discussions between the Japanese Government and the Government of the United States directed toward ascertaining whether there existed a basis for negotiations relative to a peaceful settlement covering the entire Pacific situation would naturally envisage the working out of a program attainable by peaceful methods. It goes without saying that no proposals or suggestions affecting the rights and privileges of either the United States or Japan would be considered except as they might be in conformity with the basic principles to which the United States has long been committed.

(Part 5 of 8[a])

(Part 6 of 8)

If such a program based upon peaceable and constructive principles were to be adopted for the Pacific and if thereafter any of the countries or areas within the Pacific were menaced, the policy of aiding nations resisting aggression would continue to be followed by this government and this government would cooperate with other nations in extending assistance to any country threatened.  http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.NET

Under such a program for the Pacific area Japan would, in the opinion of the government of the United States, attain all the objectives which Japan affirms that it is seeking. This program would not enable any country to extend its military or political control over other peoples or to obtain economic rights of a definitely monopolistic or preferential character. Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

(Part 7 of 8)

In those areas where the production and distribution of essential commodities are vested in monopolies, the government of the United States would expect to use its influence to see that

[A-32]

THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR

all countries are given a fair share of the distribution of the products of such monopolies and at a fair price.

If the Japanese Government is seeking what it affirms to be its objectives, the Government of the United States feels that the program above outlined is one that can be counted upon to assure Japan satisfaction of its economic needs and legitimate aspirations with much greater certainty than could any other program.

In case the Japanese government feels that Japan desires and is in position to suspend its expansionist activities, to readjust its position, and to embark upon a peaceful program for the Pacific along the lines of the program and principles to which the United States is committed, the government of the United States would be prepared to consider resumption of the informal explanatory discussions which were interrupted in July and would be glad to endeavor to arrange a suitable time and place to exchange views.

(Part 8 of 8)

The government of the United States, however, feels that, in view of the circumstances attending the interruption of the informal conversations between the two governments, it would be helpful to both governments, before entering a resumption of such conversations or proceeding with plans for a meeting, if the Japanese Government would be so good as to furnish a clearer statement than has yet been furnished as to its present attitude and plans, just as this government has repeatedly outlined to the Japanese Government its attitude and plans.

[a] Parts 2 and 5 are attached hereto.

Trans. 8-21-41


No. 53
August 17, 1941
#708.
FROM: Washington (Nomura) 
TO: Tokyo 

(English text.)

(Part 2 of 8)

When the Japanese Ambassador brought up the suggestions, the Secretary of State reminded the Ambassador that the government of the United States had shown great patience and had been prepared to continue in that course of patience so long as the Japanese Government manifested a desire to follow courses of peace. It was pointed out to the Ambassador that while proceeding along this course this government had received reports indicating clearly that the Japanese Government was adopting courses directly the opposite of those on which the recent conversations between the Ambassador and the Secretary of State had been predicated. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.NET It was pointed out also that the Japanese press was being constantly stimulated to speak of encirclement of Japan by the United States and was being officially inspired in ways calculated to inflame public opinion. The Secretary of State made it clear that he did not see how conversations between the two governments could usefully be pursued or proposals be discussed while Japanese official spokesmen and the Japanese press contended that the United States was endeavoring to encircle Japan and carried on a campaign against the United States.

(Part 5 of 8)

The program envisaged in such informal discussions would involve the application in the entire Pacific area of the principles of equality of commercial opportunity and treatment. It

[A-33]

would thus make possible access by all countries to raw materials and to all other essential commodities. Such a program would envisage cooperation by all nations of the Pacific, on a voluntary and peaceful basis toward utilizing all available resources of capital, technical skill, and progressive economic leadership for the purpose of building up not only their own economies but also the economies of regions where productive capacity can be improved. The result would be to increase the purchasing power of the nations and peoples concerned, to raise standards of living, and to create conditions conductive to the maintenance of peace.

Trans. 8-22-41


No. 54
August 21, 1941
#725.
FROM: Washington 
TO: Tokyo 

According to reports along the lines of those contained in my #722[a], there are indications that the President himself is becoming seriously interested in participating in the resumption of the negotiations to revise Japanese-U.S. relations. It is even said that the latter half of the note which I sent to you as my message #708[a], was composed by the President himself. I have also heard that he expects to have me hand our reply to that note directly to him. For these reasons, I believe that it would be well if we omitted all of the involved and complicated points in the composition of our reply and instead have it in the most simple and direct phraseology as possible. In my opinion, I think it would be to our interest if we omitted expressions like "continuance of encirclement" as it appears in section three of my message #724[c]. Other corrections which I would make would include the changing of the phrase "of discrimination, of boycott, and barriers, of personal integrities and attack" as it appears in Section 18, to, simply, "circumstances in the recent pact". I also feel that it is essential that we point out the fact that we place much emphasis on the point concerning the guaranteeing of the safety of the Far East. http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.NET

[a] See III, 50, 51—Nomura reports the gist of a conversation with a Cabinet member in which he is told of President Roosevelt's interest in the proposed conference (with Konoye) and of his (the Cabinet member's) hope for its success.
[b] See III, 52, 53—Text of memorandum handed Amb. Nomura by the President.
[c] See III, 56-62—Text of Amb. Nomura's (proposed) reply to the President's note.

Trans. 8-25-41


No. 55
August 20, 1941
#723.
FROM: Washington (Nomura) 
TO: Tokyo 

(Part 1 of 2)

It seems that the President believes that he could meet with Premier KONOYE depending on the circumstances (my #722[a]). It is not hard to imagine that he is also of the opinion that he would like to take this matter out of the hands of the authorities and settle it himself because of the general situation. It may be said that the President had made this proposal so that he could make his last political stroke at this moment when Japanese-American feelings are at their worst. It is well for Japan to respond in a like generous spirit to this move on the part of the President. It would be well also to leave the decisions of the concrete points until some future date-----and show that there is nothing that would conflict with-----and I think it is imperative that we thus bring about the resumption of the informal negotiations which have been disrupted.

[A-34]

THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR

From this standpoint, I am submitting a proposal we have drawn up (----- 724[b]). There may be points in it that need to be dealt with more in detail. Should I think of any points that should be added I will wire them later. This proposal gives due respect to the policy proposed by the United States Government.

[a] See III, 50, 51.
[b] See III, 56-62.

Trans. 8-25-41



April 4, 2009


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hypnosis 6.hyp.22 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

By Louis J Sheehan Esquire
STAFFERS SEE WHAT IT'S LIKE TO "GO UNDER"
 
The editors at Scientific American pride themselves on their skepticism toward pseudoscience and on their hard-nosed insistence on solid research. So in 2001 they invited Michael R. Nash of the University of Tennessee at Knoxville and research psychologist Grant Benham to New York City so they could see what hypnosis was like firsthand. Six editorial staffers — three men and three women, none of whom had been hypnotized before — were willing to give it a try. The outcome surprised them.   Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
 
Nash and Benham set up two quiet offices. Each researcher hypnotized three people individually, spending about an hour with each subject. They took each volunteer through the Stanford Hypnotic Susceptibility Scales, which rate an individual's responsiveness from 0 to 12.
 
One of the most surprising things about the hypnotic experience was its very banality. To induce hypnosis. Nash and Benham merely asked the staffers to stare at a yellow Post-It note on the wall and spoke in a calm voice about how relaxed they were becoming and how their eyes were growing tired. "Your whole body feels heavy — heavier and heavier," they read from the Stanford script. "You are beginning to feel drowsy — drowsy and sleepy. More and more drowsy and sleepy while your eyelids become heavier and heavier, more and more tired and heavy." That soothing patter went on for roughly 15 minutes, after which all but one volunteer had closed his or her eyes without being directly told to do so.
 
The Stanford scales consist of 12 different activities ranging from trying to pull apart one's interlocked fingers and feeling one's elevated arm lower involuntarily to hallucinating that one hears a buzzing fly. Of the six subjects, one scored an 8, one a 7, one a 6, two a 4 and one a 3. (A score of 0 to 4 is considered "low" hypnotizable; 5 to 7 is "medium" hypnotizable; 8 to 12 is "high" hypnotizable.) No one accurately predicted how susceptible they would be: some who thought themselves very suggestible turned out to be poor subjects, and others who deemed themselves tough cases were surprised to find their two outstretched arms coming together by themselves or their mouth clamped shut so that they couldn't say their name.
 
Everyone had a sense of "watching" themselves and were sometimes amused. "I knew what my name was. but I couldn't think how to move my mouth," recalled one staff member. Another said his fingers "felt stuck" during the finger-lock exercise. "At first they pulled apart easily enough, but then they seemed to sort of latch up. It was interesting to see that it was so difficult."
 
Only one person experienced item number 12 on the Stanford scale — posthypnotic amnesia. In this exercise, the hypnotist tells the subject not to remember what occurred during the session. "Every time I'd try to remember," said the staff member who had this sensation, "the only thing that came back to me was that I shouldn't remember. But when Dr. Benham said it was okay to remember, it all came flooding back."  http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.US
 
In general, the experience was much less eerie than expected. The feeling was akin to falling into a light doze after you've awakened in the morning but while you're still in bed. All of the volunteers found that they felt less hypnotized during some parts of the session than during others, as if they had come near the "surface" for a few moments and then slipped under again.   Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire
 
All in all, the staff concluded that seeing is believing when it comes to hypnosis. Or maybe hearing is believing: I'm the one who heard — and swatted — the imaginary fly.http://LOUIS-J-SHEEHAN.US
 
PHOTO (COLOR): People are aware of what they do during hypnosis, although their actions feel Involuntary. Some laugh at their Inability to say their name or open their eyes under hypnotic suggestion.
 
~~~~~~~~
 



April 28, 2009


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pauli 3.pau.0001 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

By Louis J Sheehan Esquire


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